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Manolo Quezon is #TheExplainer Newsletter - Issue #44 BBM Special

Manuel L. Quezon III
Manuel L. Quezon III
For the genesis of this week’s column, see my previous columns:
The Marcos Maneuver, June 23, 2021
Winter is Coming, September 15, 2021
Peak Marcos? September 29, 2021
A Soft-Boiled Start to 2022, October 10, 2021

This week's The Long View
Marcos Jr. biding his time | Inquirer Opinion
The Young Ferdinand Jr.
Sr. and Jr.
Sr. and Jr.
Excerpts from the Marcos diaries on Ferdinand, Jr.
February 1, 1970: Marcos writes a manifesto to his children.
September 23, 1970:
Bongbong wrote me on my birthday sending greetings - “HAPPY BIRTHDAY”- “So now you can vote. Who is your candidate. Mine is Racuyal!” (Racuyal is the perennial candidate suspected of insanity). “Saw the cinema (How British can I get) The Battle of Britain.” “The dogfights were groovy.”
He speaks or writes effusively of the new British Harrier VTOL Vertical Take Off that does not need a runway and may revolutionize aircraft carriers and combat planes in general.
He sounds happy - “you can see I am enjoying missing you” and ends with “Cheerio Old Chap.” As Imee says, “he is too mech!” 
Bongbong left by Qantas via Hongkong, New Delhi, Teheran, Athens and London.
I talked to him, and his sisters, Imelda and Kokoy about the possibility of his mother and two sisters joining him if there should be trouble here; that whether I am there beside them or not they (the children) should value education and get a doctorate degree because even if we should lose our fortune and position here in the Philippines, then they could work their own way in the world; that if for any reason we should be separated and I should not be able to guide them after normalcy returns to the world or the Philippines as the case may be, they should return to the Philippines where their roots are; that I would prefer them marrying Filipinos…
In eleven years I jumped from congressman to president.
And I have just written the children through Rosy Lawrence. Bongbong is our principal worry. He is too carefree and lazy.
So I wrote him the fatal secret of the Marcos man – “they are brilliant but lazy. And they tend to be so careless they buckle down to a dogged unrelenting resolve to fight off sloth or a traumatic experience turns them into bitterness that congeals into a determined resolve to achieve and be victorious.
I wrote him about me – how the political and financial reverses of father had made me bitter. It had come to a point where I had to get a scholarship to continue my studies. So I became a scholar – a server scholar in law.
I discovered that I had a brain and a photographic memory. And I made the best of it.
I must write him about the Nalundasan case and how I vowed to top the bar after graduating Cum Laude
For the boy must get character. I have told him that since we have enemies, he will have to fight the battles I fought in the past against myself and against circumstance. Although I told him that perhaps circumstance had been kinder to me because it had given me the motivation to work hard.
I must tell him of his ancestors, his great grandfather of the revolution, the direct line of brilliant and brave men whose saving grace was the character of their woman – how many fasted like Antonio Marcos who had exceeded the record of excellence in scholarship of Rizal – but had not done much of his life because of wine, woman and soup.
The boy must realize his weakness – the carefree wayward ways that may have been bred in him.
Bongbong arrived early this morning at about 3:40 AM from his date with the Veloso girls (he has been frank with me about what he does on his dates).
We slept with Irene at her room, putting the two beds in her room together, because she cannot sleep in our room.
Then brought Irene to the airport to take the KLM jumbo jet for Amsterdam and London at 5:00. Lucy accompanied her. Alberting and Cobadouga Romulo were in the same plane. Dits Adriano took the plane too, apparently to accompany her.
Bongbong’s Birthday. Right now they have converted Suite I into a nightclub complete with strobe lights and blow-up pictures of Bongbong.
And there are more girls than boys. In fact there are only a handful of boys and about five times of girls.
At the rate the tension and hysteria in Manila continues, I may have to declare martial law soon. Many people are not leaving their houses.
September 17, 1972: The departure of our children has made the palace a ghostly unbearable place.
September 23, 1972: Talk to Imee and Bongbong. London newspaper had it I arrested the opposition, no mention of communists.
November 1, 1972: Imee is in New York for the Thanksgiving holidays. She had Thanksgiving dinner with the Flannigans (He is a White House Economic adviser). And she visits Princeton, Wellesley and     choosing which university she goes to next year.
Irene is in Rome shopping while Bongbong is with Philip and Miguelito in London.
Entry into responsibility
Marcos’ failing health, coupled with the looming threat from the anti-capitalist left, led to widespread concern for a stable succession among the country’s economic elite—the main beneficiaries of Martial Law’s crony capitalism.[43] The plebiscite held on April 7, 1981, ratified the constitutional amendment creating the Executive Committee, composed of at most 14 members, at least half of which were Assemblymen.[44] The Committee was meant to be “a stepping stone for future leadership in the country … a high-level training ground for future Prime Ministers and Presidents.”[45] It was deemed necessary at that time because no one member of the administration’s Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) was deemed capable of taking over for President Marcos in the event of his death, resignation, or incapacitation; it was implied that the Committee member who performed the best would be Marcos’ successor.[46] Contenders for the presidency started positioning themselves to gain the upper hand. For instance, there were attempts to discredit Prime Minister Cesar Virata and the programs associated with economic technocrats, while Imelda Marcos’ strove to repair her tarnished image (especially in the provinces) while pushing her son Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. further into the public eye.[47]
From “ Is Ferdinand Marcos a Political Genius?” By Ross Marley, Pilipinas, A Journal of Philippine Studies, Issue No. 5, Fall, 1985:
Virtually all other members of the Marcos family have become prominent in Philippine politics. The President’s brother, Dr. Pacifico Marcos has served as a link between the presidential family and the medical profession. His sister, Eliabeth Marcos Keon Rocka has been Governor of Ilocos Norte, but was succeeded in that post by the President’s son, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos, Jr. The minimum age for a local official was lowered from 23 to 2l to accommodate Bongbong. Eldest daughter Imee, after returning from her study abroad, became head of Marcos’ Kabataang Barangay, a half-hearted pro-government national youth group.
In summary, Marcos’ insight into Philippine familism has enabled him to further consolidate his political grip on certain regions and sectors. His excessive employment of Marcoses and Romualdezes in government and diplomacy may reap scorn from sophisticated Manilenos, but Marcos knows that to most Filipinos, it seems perfectly natural.
From a Marcos supporters; page:
2nd Lieutenant Ferdinand “Bongbong” Romualdez Marcos Jr. Cl 21-A-1979, completed the Special Forces Training Course at age of 21, Trained as a Cadre in the jungle of Tanay bordering the Sierra Madre in Rizal.
The Snap Election Campaign
The Snap Election Campaign
Yet for all the RAM leaders’ confidence in their plan, they did not have the command experience to successfully carry out the complicated operation, after almost ten years of sitting in air-conditioned offices.[108] And to make matters worse, Ver knew of the coup. On the Thursday before the planned coup, he summoned his senior officers and engineered a trap. He ordered a navy demolition team to plant bombs and mines along the palace riverfront. As the rebels made their way toward the palace on rafts, Ver would blind them with powerful spotlights. Marcos’ son, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., would be brought out with a loud hailer, giving the rebels a final chance to surrender. If the rebels did not stand down, they would be blown sky high.[109]
Curtains, February 25, 1986
Curtains, February 25, 1986
“Political Conjuncture and Scholarly Disjunctures Reflections on Studies of the Philippine State under Marcos” by Filomeno V. Aguilar, Philippine Studies Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 67, NO. 1 (2019):
After Marcos died in Hawaii in 1989, we became even more complacent. Two years later members of his family began to return to the Philippines. In 1992 Imelda Marcos ran for the presidency and lost; however, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. was elected representative of the second district of Ilocos Norte. In 1995 Marcos Jr. ran for the senate and lost, while Imelda was elected representative of her home province of Leyte. It seemed that the Marcoses were a spent force, certainly at the national level. Support for the Marcoses in their home provinces was dismissed as understandable and largely confined to those places. In 1993 Pres. Fidel Ramos lifted the ban on the return to the Philippines of the dictator’s remains; while objecting to a state burial at the Libingan ng mga Bayani, Ramos allowed the remains to be flown to Ilocos Norte.
Fifteen years after the failure of his initial attempt to become senator, Bongbong Marcos was elected senator, having campaigned on a platform as a progressive politician with a track record as governor of Ilocos Norte since 1998, while denying his parents ever committed crimes during the dictatorship. Indeed, by 2010—or twenty-four years after his downfall—the dictator’s survivors were again well placed in the country’s political system. In that year, Imee replaced Bongbong as Ilocos Norte governor, while Imelda was elected congresswoman of her husband’s province. When we look back, we discern a pattern of an apparently well-crafted long-range plan of the Marcoses (after their national-level failures in 1992–1995) to retake Malacañang through the traditional route of reentering politics at the local level in a stepwise progression to national politics.
While they planned, we looked the other way. We barely noticed that textbooks used in elementary schools had continued to glorify Marcos and his protracted presidency, extolling the merits of martial law and the New Society. Our peripheral vision did not perceive that there were many schoolteachers and even some of our university colleagues who genuinely looked back with nostalgia to the Marcos regime. We were caught unawares that Marcos had created and recreated a followership, until finally we were jolted about the very real possibility that a Marcos would return to Malacañang when the 2016 elections brought Bongbong within a stone’s throw of vice presidential power. 
Cargo Cults
Footnote from Marcos Martial Law Never Again: A Brief History of Torture and Atrocity under the New Society:
As of late 2015, Marcos loyalists continued to claim on social media that the election of Marcos’ son Ferdinand “Bongbong” Jr. to the vice-presidency in 2016 would pave the way for the distribution of the assets held in trust for the Filipino people by the Marcos Foundation. Claims were also made that the accumulated wealth was enough to repay the national debt. An examination of Securities and Exchange Commission records showed that a “Ferdinand E. Marcos Foundation” continued to be listed with the SEC as of November 14, 2015. But the SEC site said the registration of this particular foundation had been “revoked”. It didn’t say why. Likewise, three other foundations named after Marcos’ late mother Doña Josefa Edralin Marcos have also had their registration “revoked”. During Martial Law, the Marcos couple actually set
up numerous his-and-hers shell foundations abroad to hide what the Swiss Federal Court described in its 2003 ruling as assets “of criminal origin”. 
The Explainer: Manna from Marcos – Manuel L. Quezon III
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Manuel L. Quezon III
Manuel L. Quezon III @mlq3

I'm a columnist for the Philippine Daily Inquirer; an Editor at large at; I write on history, politics and culture; and I write speeches and have worked in political communications; and I used to broadcast (which is where The Explainer comes from); I also set up and maintain the Philippine Diary Project; this is a newsletter to keep readers abreast of what I've written, am writing, and think about what's going on as well as a way to expand topics and conversations on all sorts of issues. Ideally, this will come thrice weekly:
1. Every Monday: Electoral-Merry-Go Round, on the Road to the 2022 Presidential Elections
2. Every Wednesday or Thurday: My column, "The Long View" along with additional material/thoughts on the topic.
3. Passion Project Weekends: reviews and recommendations books, movies, and other things; updates on The Philippine Diary Project and other things I find interesting. If my podcast comes out, this is when I'd promote it.

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